Lardil phonology
Consonants The consonant inventory is as follows, with the practical orthography in parentheses. Lardil's consonant inventory is fairly typical with respect to Australian phonology; it does not distinguish between voiced and unvoiced stops (such as b/p and g/k), and features a full set of stops and nasals at six places of articulationKlokeid 1976, 16 The distinction between ‘apical’ and ‘laminal’ consonants lies in whether the tip (apex) of the tongue or its flattened blade makes contact with the place of articulation. Hale's 1997 practical orthography has ‘k’ for in order to disambiguate nasal+velar clusters (as in wanka ‘arm’Leman 1999) from instances of the velar nasal phoneme (as in wangal ‘boomerang’) and to avoid suggesting -gemination in clusters (as in ngangkirr ‘together’). The sounds represented by the digraphs ‘nh’ and ‘ly’ are not common in Lardil, but speakers perceive them as distinct, respectively, from and , and they do occur in some words (e.g. minhal ‘burnt ground’, balyarriny of a social subsection).Hale 1997, 15, 16 Vowels Lardil has eight phonemically distinct vowels, differentiated by short and long variants at each of four places of articulation.Hale 1997, 18 Phonemic vowel length is an important feature of many Australian languages; minimal pairs in Lardil with a vowel length distinction include waaka/waka ‘crow’/’armpit’ and thaldi/thaldii ‘come here!’/’to stand up’. Long vowels are roughly twice as long as their short counterparts. Stress Primary word stress in Lardil falls on the initial syllable, and primary phrase stress on the final word in the phrase.Klokeid 1976, 29 These stress rules have some exceptions, notably compounds containing tangka ‘man’ as a head noun modified by a demonstrative or another nominal; these expressions, and other compound phrases, have phrase-initial stress.Klokeid 1976, 29-30 Phonotactics Common alternations (consonants) * /rr ~ d/, _# :The distinction between /rr/ and /d/ is lost word-finally, as in yarburr ‘bird/snake’, which may be realized as yarburr or yarbud, depending on the instance.Hale 1997, 17 * /d ~ n, j ~ ny/, _N :/d/ and /j/ may assimilate to a following nasal, as in bidngen > binngen ‘woman’, or yuujmen > yuunymen ‘oldtime’. * /r ~ l/, #_ :Word-initial /r/ is often expressed as /l/; as with /rr ~ d/, either (e.g.) leman or reman may be heard for ‘mouth’. Word-final phonology In addition to the common phonological alterations noted above, Lardil features some complex word-final phonology which is affected by both morphological and lexical factors.Round forthc. 2011 Augmentation acts on many monomoraic forms, producing, for example, /ʈera/ 'thigh' from underlying *ter. High vowels tend to undergo lowering at the end of bimoraic forms, as in *penki > penke 'lagoon'. In several historical locative/ergatives, lowering does not occur. It does occur in at least one long, u-final stem, and it coexists with the raising of certain stem-final /a/s. In some trimoraic (or longer) forms, final, underlying short vowels undergo apocope (deletion), as in *jalulu > jalul 'fire'. Front-vowel apocope fails to occur in locatives, verbal negatives, many historical locative/ergatives, and a number of i-final stems such as wan̪t̪alŋi 'a species of fish'. Back-vowel apocope also has lexically-governed exceptions. Cluster reduction simplifies underlying word-final consonant clusters, as in *makark > makar 'anthill'. This process is "fed" in a sense by apocope, since some forms that would otherwise end in a short vowel arise as cluster-final after apocope (e.g. *jukarpa > *jukarp > jukar 'husband'). Non-apical truncation results in forms like ŋalu from underlying *ŋaluk, in which the underlying form would end in a non-apical consonant (i.e. one not produced with the tip of the tongue). This process is also fed by apocope, and seems to be lexically governed to an extent, since Lardil words can end in a laminal; compare kakawuɲ 'a species of bird', kulkic 'a species of shark'. In addition to the dropping of non-apicals, a process of apicalization is at work, giving forms such as ŋawit from underlying laminal-final *ŋawic. It has been proposed that the process responsible for some of these forms is better described as laminalization (i.e. nawit is underlying and nawic occurs in inflected forms), but apicalization explains the variation between alveolar /t/ and dental /t̪/ (contrastive but both apical) in surface forms with an underlying non-apical, and does not predict/generate as many invalid forms as does the laminalization model. References External links * Category:Language phonologies